The
since dissolved Movimento Sociale
Italiano (Italian Social Movement), with it clerical-conservative vision of
a centralised Italian state, may not be the first thing people associate with
the Italian Ultra movement. However, its role in the fledgling Ultra groups of
teams now synonymous with right-wing politics in the late sixties and early
seventies should not be dismissed.
Even
before its formation, football and politics were intertwined in Italy. Mussolini
himself had little doubt over football’s usefulness as a tool which mirrored
the fascist ideals of strength, virility and power.
Founded
as a post-fascist political group in 1946, the organisation drew the bulk of
its support from Rome, Bari and Naples, playing on calls for social unity and
southern resentment of the affluent north.
It looked to stand out in terms of its loyalty to the previous regime,
and was able to hold its hegemony over specific regions within the multi-faceted
culture of fascism in the country. 1972 saw the party reach the peak of
influence holding 56 seats in the Italian Chamber of Deputies.
Backed
considerably by support from the Lazio region of Italy – home to many of the middle
classes, police, military and former vehemently pro-Mussolini supporters – it gained
14.8 per cent of the popular vote, with a further 17.4 per cent in Rome.
The
‘success’ would have been unthinkable years earlier. In the late 1960s the old guard support of
the Italian right was dwindling across the party’s heartland, allied with the
rise in left-wing youth groups at the time.
Giorgio Almirante, who took up the leadership of the party in 1969
realised that its future survival relied on youth engagement and support. In 1967 his party had lost almost a fifth of
the activists that it had counted on in 1960 while the 1968 election results
brought in the party’s lowest ever return of 4.5 per cent.
His
first role saw the suggested creation of a Destra
Nazionale. This constituent group
was created to draw support from anti-left leaning groups, broadening support
in conservative and radical Italy, which led to an eventual merger with the
Monarchist National Party. His attempts
to redefine the political right of Italy was closely aligned to increased
engagement and mobilisation of centre and extreme-right youth groups.
Ultras
groups across Italy sympathetic to its vague policies of traditional social
values and law and order included those of Ascoli, Hellas Verona, Padova,
Triestina, Inter and Lazio, with the
latter two the most fruitful. While teams in the Veneto like Hellas Verona and
Padova sided with the centre-right regionalist Liga Veneta Party – the
predecessor of the Lega Nord – significant ground was made with Lazio’s ‘VIKING Lazio’ and Inter’s ‘Boys SAN’.
In
the late sixties, A.C. Milan was viewed very much left of the political
spectrum, with close ties to the city’s railway workers. Nothing is ever black
and white, nor could any footballing city be spilt accurately within a
political context, but Inter was considered the team of the middle classes of
Milan and its suburbs, with fans sharing similar social conservative
views.
The
Lazio region already had a staunch following of the party, so the focus was
magnified on Inter. Although support for the Italian Social Movement was weak
in the Lombardy region, they had a significant support within the main Ultra
group of Inter. The bulk of Inter’s Boys
SAN comprised members of the Fronte della Gioventu, the youth element of the
Italian Social Movement. Its neo-fascist influence remains.
While
Almirante’s plan worked initially, his impact on Italian football culture was
much more significant.





